Tuesday, November 29, 2005

No need to be afraid of us

The Muslim Brotherhood believes that democratic reforms could trigger a renaissance in Egypt

Khairat el-Shatir Wednesday November 23, 2005

Guardian

The violence that has erupted across Egypt in recent days is the result of government panic at the success of the Muslim Brotherhood - even in the rigged polls that pass for elections in the Arab world's most populous country. As the second round of voting opened on Sunday in Egypt's tightly restricted parliamentary contest, around 500 of our members were arrested at dawn and machete-wielding thugs attacked our supporters at polling stations. But the provocations of a corrupt, oppressive government - backed by the most powerful countries in the world - will not intimidate either our organisation, which has survived for 77 years, or the Egyptian people, who have increasingly come to trust us.

Despite the popularity of the Muslim Brotherhood - or rather because of it - the organisation continues to be banned in Egypt. Nevertheless, by standing as independents whose affiliation is widely known, 17 of our members managed to be elected as the largest opposition group in the last parliament.

Given the pressure for change, we mobilised to win more seats in the hope that these new elections would be more honest and free. We are committed to democracy and to respect fair election results, whatever the outcome. But we have contested only 120 of the 444 parliamentary seats, knowing that standing for more might provoke the regime into fixing the results. The first round of parliamentary elections, in which the Muslim Brotherhood won more than 65% of seats it contested despite large-scale rigging and intimidation, confirm that our movement is seen by the public as a viable political alternative. But in spite of the confidence the Egyptian people have in us, we are not seeking more than a small piece of the parliamentary cake. This decision is dictated by political realities, both locally and internationally: in other words, the possible reaction of a repressive government backed to the hilt by the US and other western governments.

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VIEW: Iraq’s economic divide —Amal Kashf Al Ghitta

The government must spare no effort in convincing poor Iraqis of the value of democracy and freedom. This will not be easy to achieve in a country where many people consider breaking the law an act of heroism. But we Iraqis have also learnt that power should not be concentrated in a few hands Everyone who looks at Iraq sees a nation divided between Shia, Sunni, and Kurd communities. But an equally fundamental division — one that has contributed as much to the ongoing insurrection as sectarian strife and opposition to the American-led military occupation — is the widening gap between Iraq’s rich and poor. When Iraq was liberated, most people, especially the poor, began to hope for a charismatic leader who would save them from the bitter reality of daily life. Raised in fear, they had no idea how democracy could apply to their society, or how human rights groups and other civic organisations could help shape the future. Soon enough, Iraq was faced with a new social divide. On one side stood people who understood how to operate in a democracy, attain power, and realise their ambitions. They learnt to speak the language of democracy, gaining money and influence in the process and enlisting independent organisations to defend their rights and privileges. On the other side, however, remains the vast population of powerless Iraqis, including widows and divorced or abandoned women with no one to provide for them and their children. For these people, democracy and human rights mean nothing. They are ignorant, poor, and sick. Victimised by an educational system that collapsed over a decade ago, they have few skills that can help them find employment in Iraq’s blighted economy. During Saddam’s reign, no effort was made to raise living standards for the poor. I have visited the huge slums of Iraq and found families living in homes with barely a roof to cover them, with insect infestations everywhere, and with raw sewage seeping under their doors. Day or night, they live in darkness. Needing nothing more than food, decent housing, and the possibility of a job, these families wait for death, dreading the cries of their starving children. When I met the women who live in those houses, they showered me with questions: will democracy give us food and houses? Will democracy stop men from beating their wives? Will it give citizenship to our children? Will it give us the right to divorce the husbands who abandon us? My answer to all of these questions was “yes”. Yes, democracy will give you the right to live in a decent house, the right to learn and work, and it will give citizenship to your children and make you equal with your men. But you have to work hard and make every possible effort in demanding your rights. They replied: “Saddam taught us for 35 years how to be jobless, silent, and fearful. What can we do now?” In these destitute areas, where most Iraqis live, people are prey to bitter temptations. Many are beyond the reach of political or government leaders. They fall easily into violence, theft, and sabotage. Poverty drives some to take money in exchange for acts of violence, abetted by the lure of a false heroism that they were not able to act upon during Saddam’s long reign. Poverty has exacerbated the trauma of Iraq’s violent history of wars and atrocities, which has desensitised people to killing. Read more....

Another day in Baghdad A&E

What happens to the victims of Baghdad's countless bombings? Ghaith Abdul-Ahad meets the doctors who battle to save them

Ghaith Abdul-Ahad Tuesday November 22, 2005

Guardian

Inside the compound of Yarmouk hospital, the mud-coloured buildings are filthy and falling apart. Smashed windows provide the only lighting along the corridors. Children touting sweets or cigarettes thread their way through piles of rubbish. Hundreds of people, some pushing wheelchairs, others supporting crouched figures - all clutching files of papers and x-rays - squeeze through narrow metal gates between the different sections of the compound.

There are the usual sort of hospital patients here: those with intestinal pains or broken limbs. But there are also Baghdad specialities: patients with car-bomb damage or mortar-shrapnel injuries or gunshot wounds.

Yarmouk, one of Baghdad's biggest hospitals, was built in the late 1970s when the oil-rich Iraqi government launched a five-year school, factory and hospital-building programme. That ambitious undertaking left Iraq with a modern and respected health-care system. But three wars and two decades later, it is in a shambles.

All the urgent cases end up in Yarmouk's emergency room - and there are plenty of urgent cases. The hospital receives most of the casualties from the west of Baghdad, the area of the city with the highest level of insurgent attacks; an area that has no-go zones for the Iraqi army and police personnel.

The ER is a big room with male and female sections divided by a curtain. Adjacent is a small operating theatre, a pharmacy and a large hall where waiting family members chain-smoke, sob and blame the Americans, the Zionists and the insurgents for the injuries to their loved ones.

In the main room, the floors and walls are tiled; the walls are filthy and covered with stains. In one corner sits a bulky, obsolete piece of equipment that is now used as a telephone table. In another corner there's a small, broken basin that the doctors use to wash their hands and cleaners use to fill buckets of water. Along one wall, there's a surface where doctors can fill in the three forms necessary for each patient, and then copy the forms into a big book. In the midst of all this, there are 12 metal hospital beds. Each is covered with green plastic sheets.

Over the past few months, I've spent what amounts to about two weeks in the ER. Each time I come, there are police cars and army pick-up trucks parked outside where you might expect to see ambulances. These are the vehicles that bring the victims from the latest scene of violence.

Early-morning casualties

Dr Omar Ta'ie is 26 and has only recently qualified; he speaks flawless English and says he listens to western pop music. As part of his ongoing medical training he is spending a year here in the ER. He does 12-hour shifts for four consecutive days, then gets three days off. He talks me through an average day.

"Our day starts busy," he says. "The first attacks happen in the morning, and patients start arriving by 7.15am. By 8am all these beds are full."

The first victims tend to be from insurgent attacks. The insurgents like to let off their car bombs and small explosives, and to carry out their assassinations, while it's still early. The idea is to catch officials and policemen either as they change shifts or while they are driving to work. Many of the victims, however, tend to be passers-by on their way to work in the early-morning rush hour.

"Around 10am, things calm down and we have a break until one in the afternoon when the biggest wave of car bombs and explosions often happens," says Ta'ie. "By that time most of the patients have to lie on the floor. And then nothing until 9pm, when sectarian assassinations flare up, mixed with a couple of drunken fights."

There are usually four to five doctors and a couple of medics assigned to each shift. After each wave of patients, two workers, dressed in blue factory overalls, come in and start collecting the plastic sheets from the beds. One of them brings a bucket of water and the other a grey rope mop, and with the sheets done, they start cleaning the floor. Sometimes they have to use a piece of cloth to remove a difficult bloodstain.

I was in ER one morning in September when we heard ambulance sirens. The doctors came from behind their counter into the middle of the room as a medic entered. He was pushing a gurney on which a girl lay unconscious. "Shrapnel wounds in her arm and chest from a mortar that fell on their house," he said.

Two of the doctors took her to the female section and pulled the curtain closed. The girl's mother, a huge woman dressed in a black abaya, her headscarf in disarray and her hair falling over her face, stood in the middle of the room wailing as a young female doctor - given the job of filling in the usual forms - tried to question her.

A few minutes later a big man ran into the room. "Where is Saneya?" He was looking for his sister. One of the doctors assured him that she was fine, but that she had needed to go to another hospital where they had specialist brain surgery equipment - "just for a routine check".

"Our biggest fear is when someone dies because then the family and relatives will start beating us," one doctor told me quietly.

What's even more frightening for these doctors is that they get casualties in from "commando" units, part of a feared paramilitary group with links to a Shia militia, which has a base a few hundred metres from the Yarmouk hospital.

One night when I was about to leave the ER there was a burst of gunfire - heavy machine guns roared at the entrance of the hospital. The doctors started running around urging patients, if they were well enough, to clear out. Moments later, a group of masked young men in army fatigues and black T-shirts burst into the ward. Two went to where people had gathered in the hallway, pointing guns at them and telling them to look away. Three others carried between them a piece of cloth in which one of their comrades, badly injured, was lying. They placed him on one of the plastic-covered beds.

"Save him," said one of the men in black T-shirts. One of the commandos took off his mask and began weeping. The others laid their machine guns against the walls and lit cigarettes, trying to stay calm.

A doctor asked me to go. "If they find you are here, they will kill you," he said. Outside, some commandos were holding up the traffic with bursts of gunfire. I crouched between cars until it was safe to go. The doctors were lucky that day; the injured commando didn't die. But twice in the past few months the doctors have gone on strike, protesting against commandos and army soldiers beating them up and kicking patients out of their beds to make space for their casualties. After each strike they get assurances from the ministry of interior that no armed men will be allowed into the ER. But it keeps on happening.

No pain relief

The doctors here work hard, and are dedicated, but resources are scarce, and things frequently feel chaotic. One afternoon when I was in the ER a man with a partially severed hand was brought in, another victim of a mortar attack. He was holding his dangling hand with his other hand; a friend in a blood-splattered white robe came in with him. Three doctors laid the injured man out on a bed, then stretched his injured arm out over a plastic garbage bin.

"Get me some anaesthetics," a doctor shouted at one of the cleaning boys. The boy dashed out of the room.

A doctor wearing blue medical scrubs, helped by another doctor, started to clean the wound. The injured man had been calm with shock, but now began to scream.

The cleaning boy came back saying there was no anaesthetic in the hospital. The injured man's friend ran outside in his blood-soaked dishdashas to find out for himself, but the doctors decided to stitch the hand back on without waiting any longer. The injured man started to wail: "Oh, imam, come and help me. Oh God."

The doctor in blue started to sweat as he tried to find the bleeding artery. The man's screams grew louder.

"I can't find the damn thing," said the doctor.

Patients, relatives and passers-by formed a circle around the doctors as they carried out the operation. A cleaner swept beneath the bed.

After some 10 agonising minutes, a more senior doctor managed to complete the operation. By the time they had finished the man lay unconscious. The anaesthetic still hadn't arrived.

Once Ta'ie took me to the living quarters where the emergency doctors spend their time between shifts. The doctors' residence is a big three-storey building on one side of a courtyard. Inside is a long dark corridor with rooms off to either side. Each room is small, 3m by 2m, with two camp beds, a small table and a chair. The walls are painted in green and are as dirty as everything else at Yarmouk. Luckier, more senior doctors, have a functioning toilet in their rooms, but the others have to share.

Ta'ie walked me to his room, which he shares with six others, on the upper floor. The corridor there was lit by holes in the wall. Broken doors lay gaping open and the floor was thick with dust and mud. The toilets stank.

The doctors' communal dining room was furnished with four plastic tables and a few plastic chairs. Three cats wandered around. "It's not all bad like this," said Ta'ie. "We have a TV and satellite dish in the reading room, [although] all the sofas are broken."

"I feel I am alone here," he said later. "If we ask the administration of the hospital why the situation is like this, they say, 'Because the minister of health is from a different sect to the hospital manager.'"

Too late to save a leg

Not all the casualties are victims of mortar attacks and car bombs. On my last day in the hospital a few weeks ago, a whole football team showed up. They wore cheap football T-shirts and shorts. They were all young men; one of them, a young man called Hassan, was lying on a stretcher with his leg wrapped in plaster. His leg was broken in two places and needed an operation, the doctor told me. "He should have had an operation by now; instead, a medic just twisted back his leg and fixed him with the plaster."

When I asked why they couldn't do the operation, the doctor told me that the specialist comes only once a week. "He has to wait for another two days before we can do the operation. I think by then it will be too late for his leg to be back to normal."

By that time Hassan was crying and screaming, holding his head with his hands and shouting at his friends, who stood around him not knowing what to do. "Tell me what is happening?" he shouted.

As the football team gathered around the doctor, trying to find out if there were any other hospitals that might do the operation, a crowd of people rushed into the room, pushing a gurney. An old man, blood soaking his shirt, lay motionless on top of it. His son stood by, holding his father's head and shouting at the doctors to save his life.

"Please doctor - try, I beg you, maybe you can save him." The doctors, knowing the man was already dead, patted the son's shoulder, telling him it was too late. "They killed him just because he is a Shia, because he loves imam Ali," wept the son.

The man was a Shia shopkeeper who lived in Jihad, a Sunni area west of Baghdad. The football team silently pushed their injured mate away. It was already past nine o'clock and the first of the sectarian violence had begun.

Tuesday, November 15, 2005

Hakim.... London's Calling

Last night I went to a Hakim concert, in London... yes that's in London, at the Shepherd's Bush Empire. I have to say it was a great chance to reconnect. Us expats, the Egyptians that have continuously wandered the earth have a very unhealthy relationship with the mothership. It's like she's our grandmother, whom we love, but that don't share many values or history with. There are many things that we respect about her, but there are too many things about her frumpy, unhip, ignorant ways that grate against are developed modern self identity. And as we are rarely willing to admit, often she embarasses us. If she's our grandmother, whom in a sense we still love and cherish, then all her people are our aunts uncles cousins and extended families. The one's we mix with on holidays, but keep absolutely seperated from our real lives. The ones that you know that they know that you know that they know.... that you are a boozing, womanizing, decadent westerner... who's clothes reveal a certain effeminateness. You are the stranger. Thing is you get older and the relationship starts to evolve. Your values change. Unlike in real life, where people pass on and there are few second chances. Rather than only exist in a life of regret as with the mortal world with Egypt you do get another chance. That if you apply wisdom, patience and compassion you can truly redefine your relationship and build something that is mutually beneficial. She needs you, and you knew that and neglected her all these years out of fear, misaprehension and shame. But what we fail to realise is that you needed her even more. That you were adrift for years, teased about your movies, and your maids, and your poverty by people that have only realised that a car isn't really just an armour plated camel and that there aren't little djinn inside the radio. So what does that have to do with hakim. A great deal. To me Hakim is Egypt (good thing no one reads this due to potential offense). He isn't like Amr Diab all buttered up in nice tight jeans and tank top as American as apple pie. Hakim is foul bil salata, sandwich ta3miya from toothless 3am Bul Bul fi warshit 3arabiyat Egypt Air. Hakim is the egypt that laughs rather than cry. That has suffered deprivation so that when he has, he wants to enjoy, sing dance and grin like a maniac. Hakim can't believe his luck because he's still there, still fighting, still going when he should have been consigned to a life of being someone else's Bilya. And when I was there last night seeing the crowds of Egyptians screaming out for their heritage, waving their Egyptian flags, singing a long and dancing with such abandon... muhagabat and non... alike. I felt joy. Even the two taxi driver types that scared the French wannabe belly dancers that I poo poohed on earlier in the night.... "Oh my Goood Becky... They're sooooo beee2a". Scored and danced the night away with the cutes little French girl I ever saw. And I was proud. But mostly proud that the deep tabla rythms that have been surging through the streets of Cairo for centuries were surging through my blood too. I was proud because I too realised that I am still Egyptian, no matter what. And because I can shake my waist better than any wannabe French belly dancer any day..... Youssef

Friday, November 11, 2005

Ahmed's gift of life

Ahmed Khatib's death was tragically unexceptional: the 12-year-old Palestinian was shot by Israeli soldiers while holding a toy gun. But what happened next was not. The boy's parents donated his organs to six Israelis. They tell Chris McGreal why their decision was a gesture of both peace and resistance

Chris McGreal Friday November 11, 2005

Guardian

For once, the circumstances of a young boy's death from an Israeli bullet are not in dispute. The army concedes that one of its soldiers shot 12-year-old Ahmed Khatib in the head during a raid on Jenin refugee camp in the occupied West Bank last week. Other Palestinian children playing with Ahmed have backed up the military's statement that he was waving a toy gun that looked, to the soldier who shot him, remarkably like the real thing.

The army apologised with unusual speed. The armed factions entrenched in the Jenin camp made no calls for revenge.

But it was the reaction of Ahmed's parents that caught everyone off guard. As life slipped away from their son in an Israeli hospital at the weekend, Ismail and Abla Khatib decided that some good could come of his death. The Palestinian family donated Ahmed's organs for transplant. The boy was in an Israeli hospital and his parents understood that their son's body parts were most likely to save people routinely spoken of as "the enemy" in Jenin. Within hours, Ahmed's heart, kidneys, liver and lungs were transplanted into six Israelis, four of them Jewish.

The move was hailed by stunned Israeli leaders as a "remarkable gesture for peace", particularly given the circumstances of Ahmed's death, and a bridge between warring communities. Ariel Sharon's closest cabinet ally, deputy prime minister Ehud Olmert, telephoned Ismail to praise his "noble gesture". The speaker of the Israeli parliament praised the Palestinian family for its "remarkable humanity".

The Khatibs say that peace and a desire to alleviate the suffering of others was uppermost in their minds. But, looking exhausted and still stunned by the twin demands of Ahmed's death and the Israeli embrace, they also speak of their decision as an act of resistance and anger. And they have found an ally in the armed men who more usually fight back by blowing up Israelis.

"To give away his organs was a different kind of resistance," says Abla. "Violence against violence is worthless. Maybe this will reach the ears of the whole world so they can distinguish between just and unjust. Maybe the Israelis will think of us differently. Maybe just one Israeli will decide not to shoot."

Read more.....

Tuesday, November 08, 2005

The Price of Oil

I don't really know what to say. I don't know how to put it. The manna from heaven that came down upon the Middle East dragging it out of obscurity so that those sitting upon it couldn't believe their luck. The poor bedouin became oil magnate, lord of the land. He walked with his head high, chest out, shopping in Harrods, driving in Rolls, and he couldn't believe his luck. And he feasted and others stood by envious of his bounty, wishing they too had this black liquid oozing from between their toes. But there was a price. People were hungry, and you were naive walking around with all that wealth. And as you feasted they came and they feasted upon you. Now we're all drowning in the muck. We're all tainted and can't escape our addiction. The ground is coming closer and all we can do is grip our seats and hope..... The two articles enclosed below opened my eyes. We are in big trouble. So Iraq Was About the Oil

By Robert Parry November 8, 2005

When Colin Powell’s former chief of staff Lawrence Wilkerson publicly decried the Bush administration’s bungling of U.S. foreign policy, the focus of the press coverage was on Wilkerson’s depiction of a “cabal” headed by Vice President Dick Cheney that had hijacked the decision-making process.

Largely overlooked were Wilkerson’s frank admissions about the importance of oil in justifying a long-term U.S. military intervention in Iraq. “The other thing that no one ever likes to talk about is SUVs and oil and consumption,” the retired Army colonel said in a speech on Oct. 19.

While bemoaning the administration’s incompetence in implementing the war strategy, Wilkerson said the U.S. government now had no choice but to succeed in Iraq or face the necessity of conquering the Middle East within the next 10 years to ensure access to the region’s oil supplies.

“We had a discussion in (the State Department’s Office of) Policy Planning about actually mounting an operation to take the oilfields of the Middle East, internationalize them, put them under some sort of U.N. trusteeship and administer the revenues and the oil accordingly,” Wilkerson said. “That’s how serious we thought about it.”

The centrality of Iraq’s oil in Wilkerson’s blunt comments contrasted with three years of assurances from the Bush administration that the war had almost nothing to do with oil.

When critics have called the Iraq War a case of “blood for oil,” George W. Bush’s defenders have dismissed them as “conspiracy theorists.” The Bush defenders insisted the president went to war out of concern about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction and Saddam Hussein’s links to al-Qaeda, neither of which turned out to be true. Later, Bush cited humanitarian concerns and the desire to spread democracy.

Always left out of the administration’s war equation – or referenced only obliquely – was the fact that Iraq sits atop one of the world’s largest known oil reserves at a time when international competition is intensifying to secure reliable oil supplies.

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Running on empty

Jeremy Leggett explains how a bid to defuse the coming global peak-oil crisis was sidelined

Jeremy Leggett Tuesday November 8, 2005

Guardian Unlimited

History shows that James Schlesinger, a former director of the CIA, is not a man to mess with. As secretary of defence during the first oil shock in 1973, he threatened to invade the Arabian peninsula if the Saudis didn't reopen the oil pumps they had shut down in ire over the October war, thus precipitating the crisis.

In an interesting contrast with the US's current professed intentions in Iraq, Mr Schlesinger was on record then as saying: "Militarily we could have seized one of the Arab states. And the plan did indeed scare and anger them. No, it wasn't just bravado. It was clearly intended as a warning. I think the Arabs were quite worried about it after 73".

So it was with some surprise that participants in last week's oil summit in Rimini, Italy, heard Mr Schlesinger give a speech warning of a grave threat to the world economy from a coming peak in oil production.

Addressing a select audience that included oil ministers and senior officials from the oil cartel Opec, the energy watchdog International Energy Agency, and the UN, plus advocates of a premature oil peak such as the former British cabinet minister Michael Meacher, Mr Schlesinger offered a graphic analogy.

The peak-oil threat and the response to it are reminiscent, he said, of the rumbles under Vesuvius and the reaction to them of its hapless residents. "The peak or plateau is coming," he said.

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